Two Oppositions, Two Differing Paths: Part I
Story of the Workers’ Party and Singapore Democratic Party
I’ve always received comments and criticisms for being too much of a mouth-piece of the PAP.
Hopefully, this article on the Opposition parties can slant me back to the neutral centre. With the conclusion of the recent General Elections, it is fair to say that Workers’ Party seemed to have more potential to challenge the PAP compared to the rest. This article features the birth, progress and path of the party.
The Workers’ Party (WP)
The WP, formed in 1957, is the longest-surviving opposition party in Singapore. In its relatively long period, the WP has been led by tough-talking personalities who will be remembered for their roles in the political development of this country. One thing is sure when the WP is contesting: they never lack colourful politicians, such as David Marshall, Dr Lee Siew Choh, J.B. Jeyaratnam, Tang Liang Hong and, the current favourite, James Gomez, to spark the local politics. The WP can be seen in three eras: David Marshall (1957 to 1970), J.B. Jeyaratnam (1971 to 2000) and Low Thia Khiang (2001 to present)
Under “Marshall Law”
Many would remember David Marshall as the first Chief Minister; the man who failed
in gaining Singapore’s independence from the British but seldom the man who founded the Workers’ Party. Lim Yew Hock, the authoritarian second Chief Minister of Singapore, was his then-deputy in the Labour Front government. Lim advised Marshall that his should establish a party as a political base to mobilize the people towards independence. The new party would later prove useful to him when he vacated the post of Chief Minister.
Marshall was quick to see his party playing a moderate, alternative role to both the left-wing PAP (under the far leftist Lim Chin Siong) and the right-wing Labour Front Government of Lim Yew Hock (who liberally used political detention to maintain his power – sounds familiar? ;) ).
Marshall openly clashed with Lim on the manner of dealing with the leftists and communists – political detention. Having felt that the Trades Union Congress being a puppet of Lim Yew Hock, Marshall reiterated his view that his new party will be guided by his desire to see the trade unions flourish in a more independent role vis-à-vis the government. This special inclination towards the trade unions not only reflected in the party name, Workers’ Party, but also in the party constitution. During then (now amended), the Constitution states that of the 30 Council members elected “at least two-thirds shall be trade unionists”.
As a political party, it was not doing that well. Marshall knew that the strength of his new party was dependent on the support of the pro-Communist trade union members. In the Battle for Merger, Lee Kuan Yew charged the party of being manipulated by Fang Chuang Pi (the “Plen”) – the Communists from MCP. Chang Yuen Tong, Executive Committee member of the WP resigned when LKY showed the evidence.
In the 1958 by-elections, due to the Plen’s undertaking to LKY, pro-communist votes were swung away from the WP, resulting in humiliating defeat for Marshall. Marshall regained his parliamentary seat in 1961 – at a time when all political parties were hotly debating the issue of merger with the Malayan Federation. His main argument was to object to the PAP’s idea of Malaysia, charging the latter’s vision as “selling out” of Singapore’s interests. Marshall instead called for complete merger, with Singapore seeking equal rights for its citizens in the new federation. He further maintained that if Singapore could not negotiate for a complete merger, she should seek independence on her own. Within his own party, there were differing views between him, Secretary-General Sum Chong Heng and Chua Chin Kiat. In the end, a compromise was reached on the party position, but the uneasiness never ended.
In the 1963 General Elections, things got worse for Marshall. Not only did he lose his seat, he even lost his election deposit. Dejected, he went into political oblivion and decided to concentrate on his legal career and was later appointed as the Singapore’s Ambassador to France.
The Fire of J.B. Jeyaratnam
After Marshall’s resignation, JBJ took over. Within three days, JBJ was the
Secretary-General of the Workers’ Party. The infusion of new professionals, such as lawyers, architects and unionists, boosted the party’s image to an extent that the party was confident enough to declare that they are contest in all the seats in the 1972 GE (but in the end, they didn’t contest in all seats, 8 seats returned to the PAP uncontested). JBJ had quite a credible background after serving in key appointments such as Registrar of the Supreme Court and as the First District Judge. But despite JBJ’s background and infusion of professionals in the WP, the PAP won all 65 seats with an average of 69.2% of the votes. JBJ contested in Farrer Park constituency but lost badly to the PAP, Dr Lee Chiaw Meng, gaining only 2,668 out of 12,707 votes.
The 1976 elections was no difference when the PAP won all 69 seats, the third successive clean sweep. JBJ, whose election rally at the car park in Chai Chee on the eve of voting was “packed like sardines”, performed well with 40.08% of the votes. He was the highest-scoring opposition candidate in the election.
The turning point for the WP and JBJ came in October 1981, with the resignation of the incumbent Anson MP, Devan Nair (who was appointed as the President). JBJ defeated the PAP’s Pang Kim Hin by 633 votes to break the PAP’s electoral infallibility.
However, one must note that several events leading to the Anson by-election led to the PAP losing that seat. When Devan Nair left Anson to become Singapore’s third President, many of his followers were unhappy with Pang as he brought his own men into the election campaign. One prominent person belonging to the Devan Nair camp was Ong Ah Heng, branch secretary to Anson and now a present Member of Parliament. Pang, was a political lightweight, which Anson residents were unhappy that PAP sent him there instead of other prominent candidates. Whatever the events, JBJ won and PAP received a rude wakeup call.
The next election in 1984 was a bolt from the blue as the PAP saw their percentage votes dropped from 75.7% in 1980 to 62.9% in 1984. To add salt on the PAP wounds, Chiam See Tong from the Singapore Democratic Party defeated Mah Bow Tan (PAP) with a thumping 60.28% of the votes. Chiam and JBJ were the only two oppositions elected into the parliament that year.
JBJ’s time in parliament was short-lived when he was disqualified from parliament when the court found him guilty for false declaration of the WP’s accounts. By such sentence, he lost his seat in Anson. On 23 May 1987, 16 people were detained under the Internal Security Act charged for involvement in a plot to overthrow the Government, in what came to be widely known as the “Marxist conspiracy”. The ISD also arrested Patrick Seong, a lawyer who was counsel for some of the detainees. He subsequently admitted that he had encouraged them to issue the statement as a means of discrediting the government that a former Law Society president, Francis Seow, knew about it. Seow was also later picked up and only released in July 1988 after serving his jail sentence.
In the 1988 GE, WP successfully recruited Francis Seow, a former Solicitor-General, and WP competed in 32 of the 81 seats. The public and media attention was on Seow, especially when he managed to attract large crowds to rallies. Mugslinging was at his peak when Seow called Goh Chok Tong a “political eunuch in Emperor Lee’s court”. When the results came, PAP won all the seats except Potong Pasir. However, Seow did the damage in Eunos GRC, where he contested together with seasoned politician Dr Lee Siew Choh and Mohd Khalit, garnering 49.11% of the valid votes. Both Dr Lee and Seow were offered NCMP seats but Seow was disqualified – being sued by the Government for various wrongdoings, including tax evasions. That was the beginning of his smear campaign against the government which later sees him migrating to United States. He has not returned to Singapore since then and had published a book in 1994, “To Catch a Tartar” Life in Lee Kuan Yew’s Prison,” alleging that he was tortured during detention.
For the Workers’ Party itself, throughout 1990, and through its newsletter, the Hammer, the party continued to raise many issues and criticisms against the Government. Then came the snap 1991 General Elections, called upon by the new Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, barely three-and-a-half years after the previous one in 1988. The opposition camp was obviously caught off guard by the sudden announcement. However, it also caught the PAP MPs off guard and the tactic backfired. This time around, the focus was again in Eunos GRC with Jufrie Mahmood, a Workers’ Party team member leading the charge. He attacked the PAP’s Malay MPs as “a bunch of yes men” and charged the PM for resorting yet again to what it described as “scare and smear tactics” to discredit its candidates and the WP. The PAP won 77 seats but were visibly shocked to lose four seats (to Chiam See Tong (SDP), Ling How Doong (SDP), Cheo Chai Chen (SDP) and Low Thia Khiang (WP)). The WP team in Eunos GRC performed strongly when it secured 47.6% of the votes against the PAP team.
In 1997 General Elections, the Worker’s Party sprung yet another surprise and gave the PAP one of the toughest fights.
It fielded a well known Chinese lawyer, Tang Liang Hong, active in the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts and a former Chairman of the Chinese High School. And the battleground was set at Cheng San GRC. According to JBJ in his book, The Hatchet Man of Singapore, he said, “When I led the team into the nomination center along with Tang Liang Hong, the PAP team, led by Lee Yock Suan, who had already registered their candidacy with the registration officer, showed their shock and dismay plainly. They had not expected me in Cheng San. They believed that I was going Kampong Glam which was then a single constituency where I had done the rounds few days before Nomination Day. This was a deliberate ploy.”
Cheng San, the mountain of peace, erupted like a volcano through the campaign period of eight days (now it is nine days). Goh Chok Tong, Lee Kuan Yew, Lee Hsien Loong and Tony Tan took charge of the campaign in Cheng San, with Lee Yock Suan relegated to the sidelines. Goh Chok Tong told the electorate that it was a battle between him and the Workers’ Party. GCT gave this message, “You decide. You choose Tang Liang Hong, Jeyeratnam,
raise their status and lower the Prime Minister’s the Deputy Prime Ministers’ stature, in Singapore, internationally, that will have very serious consequences.”
“What we are now doing is to… put all the chips on the table. It is a winner-takes-all situation. MRT, LRT, Punggol 21, upgrading, estate improvement, libraries, kindergartens, better schools… all these are plans which… have put to the people.”
“We win, Cheng San will get not just the attention of Lee Yock Suan and the team. Cheng San will get the Government’s attention, my attention, Lee Hsien Loong’s attention, Tony Tan’s attention. Even in Marine Parade you don’t get such attention. So you win big or you lose big. So tomorrow, you have to decide.”
That was the message delivered by GCT. Personally, I was totally put-off by this. PAP’s other tactic was to aim their guns at Tang Liang Hong, branding him a Chinese chauvinist. Tang and accused him as a “political opportunist”.
The results came and the PAP won by a close margin of 54.8%, a sharp drop of 9.3% from the 64.1% in 1991. Low Thia Khiang, again, managed to retain his seat at Hougang. After the election was over, Tang faced a barrage of legal suits for alleged defamation against the 11 PAP leaders. This episode generated tremendous media coverage both local and overseas. He fled Singapore, first to Hong Kong, then London and Johor. JBJ too did not escape from being sued for defamation for his statement during the election rally. By the time of the 2001 GE, he was no longer electorally ready. After the Elections, Low Thia Khiang, 
the only WP candidate to have won a seat, took over the WP leadership from Jeyaratnam.
The Low Thia Khiang era is still history in the makings. The evolution of the Workers’ Party ran from central, to leftist and now, back to central. Coming into the recent election, WP might have finally found a credible, likeable and sensible candidate in Sylvia Lim. The future of the WP, maybe bright or maybe gloom; depends on the people’s perception. Nonetheless, they represent the best hope of a credible alternative voice to the Singapore politics. I guess I should not make this into a 10,000 words essay and stop here. If you are interested in reading further on WP, the book, “Parties and Politics: A Study of Opposition Parties and the PAP in Singapore”, by Hussin Mutalib
and JBJ’s “The Hatchet Man of Singapore”, would be good sources to refer to. Stories on Singapore Democratic 
Party will be featured in the coming weeks.
Story of the Workers’ Party and Singapore Democratic Party
I’ve always received comments and criticisms for being too much of a mouth-piece of the PAP.
Hopefully, this article on the Opposition parties can slant me back to the neutral centre. With the conclusion of the recent General Elections, it is fair to say that Workers’ Party seemed to have more potential to challenge the PAP compared to the rest. This article features the birth, progress and path of the party.The Workers’ Party (WP)
The WP, formed in 1957, is the longest-surviving opposition party in Singapore. In its relatively long period, the WP has been led by tough-talking personalities who will be remembered for their roles in the political development of this country. One thing is sure when the WP is contesting: they never lack colourful politicians, such as David Marshall, Dr Lee Siew Choh, J.B. Jeyaratnam, Tang Liang Hong and, the current favourite, James Gomez, to spark the local politics. The WP can be seen in three eras: David Marshall (1957 to 1970), J.B. Jeyaratnam (1971 to 2000) and Low Thia Khiang (2001 to present)
Under “Marshall Law”
Many would remember David Marshall as the first Chief Minister; the man who failed
in gaining Singapore’s independence from the British but seldom the man who founded the Workers’ Party. Lim Yew Hock, the authoritarian second Chief Minister of Singapore, was his then-deputy in the Labour Front government. Lim advised Marshall that his should establish a party as a political base to mobilize the people towards independence. The new party would later prove useful to him when he vacated the post of Chief Minister.Marshall was quick to see his party playing a moderate, alternative role to both the left-wing PAP (under the far leftist Lim Chin Siong) and the right-wing Labour Front Government of Lim Yew Hock (who liberally used political detention to maintain his power – sounds familiar? ;) ).
Marshall openly clashed with Lim on the manner of dealing with the leftists and communists – political detention. Having felt that the Trades Union Congress being a puppet of Lim Yew Hock, Marshall reiterated his view that his new party will be guided by his desire to see the trade unions flourish in a more independent role vis-à-vis the government. This special inclination towards the trade unions not only reflected in the party name, Workers’ Party, but also in the party constitution. During then (now amended), the Constitution states that of the 30 Council members elected “at least two-thirds shall be trade unionists”.As a political party, it was not doing that well. Marshall knew that the strength of his new party was dependent on the support of the pro-Communist trade union members. In the Battle for Merger, Lee Kuan Yew charged the party of being manipulated by Fang Chuang Pi (the “Plen”) – the Communists from MCP. Chang Yuen Tong, Executive Committee member of the WP resigned when LKY showed the evidence.
In the 1958 by-elections, due to the Plen’s undertaking to LKY, pro-communist votes were swung away from the WP, resulting in humiliating defeat for Marshall. Marshall regained his parliamentary seat in 1961 – at a time when all political parties were hotly debating the issue of merger with the Malayan Federation. His main argument was to object to the PAP’s idea of Malaysia, charging the latter’s vision as “selling out” of Singapore’s interests. Marshall instead called for complete merger, with Singapore seeking equal rights for its citizens in the new federation. He further maintained that if Singapore could not negotiate for a complete merger, she should seek independence on her own. Within his own party, there were differing views between him, Secretary-General Sum Chong Heng and Chua Chin Kiat. In the end, a compromise was reached on the party position, but the uneasiness never ended.In the 1963 General Elections, things got worse for Marshall. Not only did he lose his seat, he even lost his election deposit. Dejected, he went into political oblivion and decided to concentrate on his legal career and was later appointed as the Singapore’s Ambassador to France.
The Fire of J.B. Jeyaratnam
After Marshall’s resignation, JBJ took over. Within three days, JBJ was the
Secretary-General of the Workers’ Party. The infusion of new professionals, such as lawyers, architects and unionists, boosted the party’s image to an extent that the party was confident enough to declare that they are contest in all the seats in the 1972 GE (but in the end, they didn’t contest in all seats, 8 seats returned to the PAP uncontested). JBJ had quite a credible background after serving in key appointments such as Registrar of the Supreme Court and as the First District Judge. But despite JBJ’s background and infusion of professionals in the WP, the PAP won all 65 seats with an average of 69.2% of the votes. JBJ contested in Farrer Park constituency but lost badly to the PAP, Dr Lee Chiaw Meng, gaining only 2,668 out of 12,707 votes.The 1976 elections was no difference when the PAP won all 69 seats, the third successive clean sweep. JBJ, whose election rally at the car park in Chai Chee on the eve of voting was “packed like sardines”, performed well with 40.08% of the votes. He was the highest-scoring opposition candidate in the election.
The turning point for the WP and JBJ came in October 1981, with the resignation of the incumbent Anson MP, Devan Nair (who was appointed as the President). JBJ defeated the PAP’s Pang Kim Hin by 633 votes to break the PAP’s electoral infallibility.
However, one must note that several events leading to the Anson by-election led to the PAP losing that seat. When Devan Nair left Anson to become Singapore’s third President, many of his followers were unhappy with Pang as he brought his own men into the election campaign. One prominent person belonging to the Devan Nair camp was Ong Ah Heng, branch secretary to Anson and now a present Member of Parliament. Pang, was a political lightweight, which Anson residents were unhappy that PAP sent him there instead of other prominent candidates. Whatever the events, JBJ won and PAP received a rude wakeup call.The next election in 1984 was a bolt from the blue as the PAP saw their percentage votes dropped from 75.7% in 1980 to 62.9% in 1984. To add salt on the PAP wounds, Chiam See Tong from the Singapore Democratic Party defeated Mah Bow Tan (PAP) with a thumping 60.28% of the votes. Chiam and JBJ were the only two oppositions elected into the parliament that year.JBJ’s time in parliament was short-lived when he was disqualified from parliament when the court found him guilty for false declaration of the WP’s accounts. By such sentence, he lost his seat in Anson. On 23 May 1987, 16 people were detained under the Internal Security Act charged for involvement in a plot to overthrow the Government, in what came to be widely known as the “Marxist conspiracy”. The ISD also arrested Patrick Seong, a lawyer who was counsel for some of the detainees. He subsequently admitted that he had encouraged them to issue the statement as a means of discrediting the government that a former Law Society president, Francis Seow, knew about it. Seow was also later picked up and only released in July 1988 after serving his jail sentence.
In the 1988 GE, WP successfully recruited Francis Seow, a former Solicitor-General, and WP competed in 32 of the 81 seats. The public and media attention was on Seow, especially when he managed to attract large crowds to rallies. Mugslinging was at his peak when Seow called Goh Chok Tong a “political eunuch in Emperor Lee’s court”. When the results came, PAP won all the seats except Potong Pasir. However, Seow did the damage in Eunos GRC, where he contested together with seasoned politician Dr Lee Siew Choh and Mohd Khalit, garnering 49.11% of the valid votes. Both Dr Lee and Seow were offered NCMP seats but Seow was disqualified – being sued by the Government for various wrongdoings, including tax evasions. That was the beginning of his smear campaign against the government which later sees him migrating to United States. He has not returned to Singapore since then and had published a book in 1994, “To Catch a Tartar” Life in Lee Kuan Yew’s Prison,” alleging that he was tortured during detention.
For the Workers’ Party itself, throughout 1990, and through its newsletter, the Hammer, the party continued to raise many issues and criticisms against the Government. Then came the snap 1991 General Elections, called upon by the new Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, barely three-and-a-half years after the previous one in 1988. The opposition camp was obviously caught off guard by the sudden announcement. However, it also caught the PAP MPs off guard and the tactic backfired. This time around, the focus was again in Eunos GRC with Jufrie Mahmood, a Workers’ Party team member leading the charge. He attacked the PAP’s Malay MPs as “a bunch of yes men” and charged the PM for resorting yet again to what it described as “scare and smear tactics” to discredit its candidates and the WP. The PAP won 77 seats but were visibly shocked to lose four seats (to Chiam See Tong (SDP), Ling How Doong (SDP), Cheo Chai Chen (SDP) and Low Thia Khiang (WP)). The WP team in Eunos GRC performed strongly when it secured 47.6% of the votes against the PAP team.In 1997 General Elections, the Worker’s Party sprung yet another surprise and gave the PAP one of the toughest fights.
It fielded a well known Chinese lawyer, Tang Liang Hong, active in the Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts and a former Chairman of the Chinese High School. And the battleground was set at Cheng San GRC. According to JBJ in his book, The Hatchet Man of Singapore, he said, “When I led the team into the nomination center along with Tang Liang Hong, the PAP team, led by Lee Yock Suan, who had already registered their candidacy with the registration officer, showed their shock and dismay plainly. They had not expected me in Cheng San. They believed that I was going Kampong Glam which was then a single constituency where I had done the rounds few days before Nomination Day. This was a deliberate ploy.”Cheng San, the mountain of peace, erupted like a volcano through the campaign period of eight days (now it is nine days). Goh Chok Tong, Lee Kuan Yew, Lee Hsien Loong and Tony Tan took charge of the campaign in Cheng San, with Lee Yock Suan relegated to the sidelines. Goh Chok Tong told the electorate that it was a battle between him and the Workers’ Party. GCT gave this message, “You decide. You choose Tang Liang Hong, Jeyeratnam,
raise their status and lower the Prime Minister’s the Deputy Prime Ministers’ stature, in Singapore, internationally, that will have very serious consequences.”“What we are now doing is to… put all the chips on the table. It is a winner-takes-all situation. MRT, LRT, Punggol 21, upgrading, estate improvement, libraries, kindergartens, better schools… all these are plans which… have put to the people.”
“We win, Cheng San will get not just the attention of Lee Yock Suan and the team. Cheng San will get the Government’s attention, my attention, Lee Hsien Loong’s attention, Tony Tan’s attention. Even in Marine Parade you don’t get such attention. So you win big or you lose big. So tomorrow, you have to decide.”
That was the message delivered by GCT. Personally, I was totally put-off by this. PAP’s other tactic was to aim their guns at Tang Liang Hong, branding him a Chinese chauvinist. Tang and accused him as a “political opportunist”.
The results came and the PAP won by a close margin of 54.8%, a sharp drop of 9.3% from the 64.1% in 1991. Low Thia Khiang, again, managed to retain his seat at Hougang. After the election was over, Tang faced a barrage of legal suits for alleged defamation against the 11 PAP leaders. This episode generated tremendous media coverage both local and overseas. He fled Singapore, first to Hong Kong, then London and Johor. JBJ too did not escape from being sued for defamation for his statement during the election rally. By the time of the 2001 GE, he was no longer electorally ready. After the Elections, Low Thia Khiang, 
the only WP candidate to have won a seat, took over the WP leadership from Jeyaratnam.The Low Thia Khiang era is still history in the makings. The evolution of the Workers’ Party ran from central, to leftist and now, back to central. Coming into the recent election, WP might have finally found a credible, likeable and sensible candidate in Sylvia Lim. The future of the WP, maybe bright or maybe gloom; depends on the people’s perception. Nonetheless, they represent the best hope of a credible alternative voice to the Singapore politics. I guess I should not make this into a 10,000 words essay and stop here. If you are interested in reading further on WP, the book, “Parties and Politics: A Study of Opposition Parties and the PAP in Singapore”, by Hussin Mutalib
and JBJ’s “The Hatchet Man of Singapore”, would be good sources to refer to. Stories on Singapore Democratic Party will be featured in the coming weeks. 
Note: Earlier, I have posted the wrong photo of Francis Seow and have mistakened Dr Francis Seow-Cheon for the former-WP Francis Seow. My deepest apologies to Dr Francis Seow-Cheon and family. The photo has been removed with immediate effect.
Extremely informative. Well done! I just hope you haven't step on any toes posting this up.
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 12, 2006 6:27 AM
Wow! What else can we say! I'm heading towards JBJ's favorite corner and hope to buy an autographed copy of his book!
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 12, 2006 9:28 AM
Another interesting read. Thanks. I would also like to say thank you for giving people like me the PAP perspective. There are already a lot of websites and blogs that are bias towards the opposition that it is almost impossible sometimes to find some information to back up my arguments that the current government is still govening Singapore well. Then I stumbled onto your blog. Thank you not only for this insightful article on the Workers' Party but also on all the well balanced articles on the PAP.
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 12, 2006 10:15 AM
Wow nice article:D you should go write a book
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 12, 2006 3:11 PM
To Fook Seng: if u were looking for stuff abt PAP - may I suggest The Straits Times ;>
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 12, 2006 7:21 PM
Hi AK
Whose toes could I have stepped on?haha...care to enlighten me?
Hi Fook Seng
Personally, only the first chapter of the JBJ's book is interesting as it talks about the Cheng San battle. The other chapters just describes the court happenings and dialogue.
Hi Chai Social Democrat and Anonymous
Thanks for your lovely comments! Appreciate it! Glad that you've found this useful and informative. As for writing a book? I guess I've got a long away to go. ;P
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 12, 2006 11:02 PM
You have written a comprehensive piece of history of the Workers' Party. However, I like to add that Mr. Chang Yuen Tong resigned as a City Councillor for Kallang Ward in our Local Government (the defunct City Council)in 1958 to the surprise of general public; and Mr. David Marshall won the by-election for the seat of Anson in the then Legislative Assembly in 1961 when the leftists in the PAP led by Mr. Lim Chin Siong was about to split from the rightists led by Mr. Lee Kuan Yew to form the Barisan Socialis eventually.
Posted by
Socaps |
May 12, 2006 11:07 PM
all these r pretty well known. He simply took it from somewhere else, if u follow the political history of spore, u will know all these written by him is nothing new, hence no need to publish another book. u want to know why chang resigned?
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 1:20 AM
I assume part 2 is about the self destructing SDP
chee should follow francis seow and go to harvard; given his impact on the opposition, he is suspected to be a PAP agent
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 1:59 AM
It occurred to me that the PAP is actually grooming the Opposition for Singapore. It knows that Singaporeans desperately want an alternative voice, but fears that this desperation may drive Singaporeans to make a reckless choice.
So it has been letting the weak die a natural death, curbing the dangerous ones (say the SDP which relies on overseas sponsorship, a move that the PAP disapproves of vehemently) and almost falling over itself in recommending better parties like the WP. (and also doing the WP's job of weeding out incompetents like Gomez)
It probably has decided to, rather than fight the tide, manage it. And Singaporeans are so well trained and indoctrinated in the PAP's style that they have supported the Opposition party that is most like the PAP.
While I used to wonder whether the PAP might even try to stage manage a split in the party, I realise that this is dangerous in that what started out as a "wayang" might take a life of its own. And they can't afford to have insiders be on the opposing side, with all the inside knowledge and damaging information cf Francis Seow
I hope Chiam See Tong grooms a replacement quickly. By the next election, it would be quite a stretch for him to be re-elected at 76.
And I'm wondering whether the PAP will make a U-turn on its unpopular upgrading priority policy. I'm wondering this because it has ironically been a new cause for the Opposition and tarnished its image as a clean party that only wants to serve the country (which it does, really). So the real question isn't so much if they will change the policy but how public will they make it. Will it subtly and partially let upgrading plans in Potong Pasir and Hougang be approved? Or will it make a big show of it and admit the unpopularity of it, hoping for a kiss and make up with the population (and thereby trying to score points by showing it listens to the people, you don't need Opposition for that etc), esp if Chiam doesn't manage to groom a successor soon enough (therefore assuming that in any case Chiam won't be able to hold on to the next election).
And by the way, thanks for a v informative blog. So could you throw some light on the entire Francis Seow matter? He would've been the most formidable opposition candidate and I think he had the PAP by the short and curlies, absolutely terrified.
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 2:19 AM
http://blog.360.yahoo.com/blog-XIIfDzQobqO5oCYM9UTvZzgKHH4Org--?cq=1
The Implosion of Singapore Democratic Party
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 9:22 AM
Haha, it's too late for you to be seen as a neutral. Your effort in this post is too tokenistic.
Shame on you!
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 2:00 PM
now give the poor man a break; the outcome must be embarrassing enough already
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 3:15 PM
Why the "shame on you!"? Is it that becaue T sees good things about the PAP and the current government and says them and because it isn't "cool" to be so these days, that he should be chastised? If you read T's blog carefully you'll see that his views, whether pro or against the PAP are quite well supported. I don't agree with all T says simply because I think I subscribe to the PAP and their policies than he does. Yet I do not see myself as a "dog of the PAP" and I do see myself as relatively neutral because I can and have been critical of the PAP, the government and some of its policies when I see them as flawed. I just don't believe in American styled democracy, nor do I believe that one must necessarily have similar political systems to that of the West to have a good government. But these days if I even bring up my pro-government, pro-socialist democratic views, most people give me this look like I'm an idiot or something and the truth is I'm beginning to feel quite annoyed about it. Which is why I feel somewhat grateful for T and his blog because he puts into words what I believe in but what I don't have the ability to write. And what is more admirable is that he does it fearlessly in the internet where the anti-PAP sites and anti-PAP blogs far outweigh those which dare to be complimentary of the PAP and the Singapore government. No matter what, if a viewpoint is well supported, then it should be respected even if one does not agree with it one bit.
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 5:50 PM
all those new MPs say they are not yesmen and will criticize... so let's hear their views about gomez... yours?
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 6:18 PM
Hi Socaps
Thanks for the comments and your inputs are well noted. Yes, I've read about Chang Yuen Tong as well. But figured that it might be too lengthy to add into this article. Thanks anyway.
Hi Anonymous
Yes, most of the stuff are adapted from books that I've read. Previously, I've already mentioned this couple of times. My idea is not to write something new or publish something unfounded, but to popularise Singapore's political history via the medium of blogs. Hopefully, through this, we all can learn a little of our past and better make our thoughts for the future.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 13, 2006 8:50 PM
Hi Coming home from the US soon
Yes, you've made a good and valid point. Perhaps it is the paternalistic character of the PAP that they felt it is also the responsibility to groom the Opposition.
Chiam See Tong, tried hard to find his successor. I guess, his previous attempts to find one (Chee Soon Juan, who eventually ousted him out of his own party) gave him second thoughts of committing his energy into his successor again.
Thanks for reading anyway.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 13, 2006 8:55 PM
Hi Ted and Anonymous
On the contrary, I am quite happy with the election results. I am glad that Low Thia Khiang won, so did Chiam. Well, I do feel that the Oppositions should contest in more wards to give the PAP a wake up call.
Its your perception that says I am pro-PAP. As I mentioned, I am only Pro-Singapore. If the opposition is credible, I see no reason why I shouldn't support them.
Shame? I don't see any. Perhaps, maybe shame that you can't read in between the lines. haha...
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 13, 2006 8:59 PM
Hi Chai
Thanks for your words of encouragement. Setting up a blog like this, I have to do it without the fear of criticism or anonymous bad-mouthing. I do my best to support my information and if anyone disagrees with it, I am opening to debates and discussions.
Well, critics are more than welcomed here. At least they cared about local politics, although we may have differing methods.
Nonetheless, I appreciate your kind words. Hope that you have and will find my articles useful.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 13, 2006 9:05 PM
Oh come on, the reason why I Say shame on you it's because you only bothered to write a detailed post on other parties other than PAP AFTER the elections.
As I see it, you can pretty much choose what to accept as fair criticism and what's noise, so it's fine with me. Besides, there is no rule saying all criticism MUST be fair and balanced and rational etc etc. I enjoy behaving like a raving loony sometimes.
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 13, 2006 11:39 PM
give the poor guy a break; he must be feeling embarrassed that he believed all that propaganda
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 14, 2006 6:59 AM
"That was the message delivered by GCT. Personally, I was totally put-off but this."
Do you mean 'by' or 'but' this?
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 15, 2006 10:53 AM
Hi Amatu
Thanks for the notice. I've amended it. It should be "by".
Hi Anonymous
Maybe you don't know by now. But your IP address is available whenever you add a comment. Haha...maybe you should add a name to your comment unless you want to be know via IP address.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 15, 2006 12:06 PM
you are welcome to record my IP address; I am merely too lazy to register and log in, not because I fear being identified
now how about a response to my remark?
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 15, 2006 1:31 PM
Hi Anony
I guess it doesn't take much to leave a short name behind. At least I am about to seperate the many anonymous comments out there.
Of course, this is not a threat, but it would be good to leave a name behind like ted. At least I wouldn't mistake you for others.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 15, 2006 1:52 PM
if you read
Leninism, Asian Culture and Singapore
http://blog.360.yahoo.com/blog-XIIfDzQobqO5oCYM9UTvZzgKHH4Org--?cq=1&p=5
you will find my style unique and unmistakable
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 15, 2006 3:54 PM
Hi Anony
So at least I would know its you.
Btw, I am not good at at identifying writing style. Especially for other people's literature that I do not often read. ;)
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 15, 2006 4:02 PM
Hi T, no prob. In case, you are seen as being a stauch pap supporter ;)
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 16, 2006 1:58 AM
a couple of years ago Ngiam Tong Dow and Catherine Lim were asked to provide alternative views in ST; I have not seen similar occurrences for a long time; instead we have the irene ng and de souza letters, and all those new candidates saying they are very brave people and would criticize when needed to
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 17, 2006 3:39 AM
This comment has been removed by a blog administrator.
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JP |
May 17, 2006 12:07 PM
The West has welfare. In S'pore, we've gone 2 the other extreme - no welfare.
We can have workfare 4 most ppl and welfare 4 some who really can't work.
Posted by
JP |
May 18, 2006 5:10 PM
so quiet? even yawningbread is more active than here; too depressed?
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 18, 2006 7:18 PM
Hi anonymous
I am living life happily but overloaded with work. Depressed? Ya, definitely! Depressed that I don't have 7 digits in my bank account! Care to help me with that?haha....then I'll definitely have time to write more articles.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 19, 2006 3:23 PM
This is an subtly biased account against the WP.
By stressing on the PAP endowed "facts", such as Francis seow was found guilty, JBJ was found guilty...
The question you didn't ask is by whom? for what? Why?
History is not a linear story. Especially not your master narrative. Dun brainwash Singaporeans!
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 20, 2006 4:19 AM
Hi Anonymous
I need to correct you on that. The sources are based on Hussin Mutalib (NUS Professor for Political Science) and JBJ himself. So if you think this is non-linear. Maybe you could provide me with a better account.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 20, 2006 1:03 PM
are university professors independent? like the judiciary? how about detailing the various other positions the professor used to hold? his management style in carrying out the roles?
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 20, 2006 7:18 PM
As a soon to be university prof, I can say that an academia writing must be accountable to international audience, very much like how scientific papers must be accountable to the world audience. No one can transcend their bias, but an academia MUST have the neccessary vision and knowledge to pursue a matter to its fullest "truth" based on available sources and disengagement from state power.
Hope this helps!
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 23, 2006 10:56 AM
that's the theory; the question is what about the particular case
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 23, 2006 6:18 PM
Hi Anonymous(s)
I suppose there are two of you here. If you all kindly leave a nickname, it would be much easier for all to comment.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 25, 2006 4:20 PM
let me call myself z (I have an email address zzz4701 with yahoo)
I am of the view Mutalib was too much into the "system" to be a detached commentator about the system; when you have a gilt ricebowl, you dont want to risk breaking it; the "system" tries to attract all the talent into this position, so that the whole country can be run as a single Singapore Inc, which has both advantages and disadvantages
I think thrasymachus himself is close to the "system", and risks becoming part of the same echo chamber
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 25, 2006 7:40 PM
Hi z
Well, Mutalib came from an academic point of view in looking at systems. As you said, he is quite part of the system. It is not a bad thing, considering most of the internet commentator knowing little or nothing about the system at all.
If one can't even know the system, lets not mention about criticizing it. For me, I echoed nothing but my own perception. If they happened to be in line with the system, it is not delibrate. I do not oppose for the sake of opposing. Nor do I oppose without thinking of the solution or effects. I choose to not even associate myself to an "opposing" or "echoing" mentality.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 26, 2006 11:39 PM
z: "Into the system" is not just an issue of sharing knowledge, but sharing benefit; as I said, if you have a gilt rice bowl, you are afraid to break it; if all the talent are in this situation, there is prevailing “fear” and everyone is part of the echo chamber
Posted by
Anonymous |
May 27, 2006 1:06 AM
Hi Z
Then wouldn't you say that it is easier to echo anti-govt and anti-PAP messages on the net than be pro-them? Fear is an easy word to use for a cowardly nation. If Singaporeans are so easily fearful, than we should cease to exist.
Cheers!
T
Posted by
Thrasymachus |
May 29, 2006 11:52 AM
z: judging by the way the recent campaign was run, all that talent seem to be underperforming...
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